The emergence of one of the most pervasive, influential right-wing systems of women in the post-19th Amendment period was the Women of the Klu Klux Klan (WKKK). From June 8, 1923 to 1930, women enrolled in the Klan en masse in an effort to thwart immigration, suppress racial equality, boycott Jewish enterprises, resist parochial schools and “moral decay” (Blee, 77). The massive assemblance of women in the 1920s was the result of racist, nationalistic fanaticism which also encouraged men to join the Ku Klux Klan. In conjunction, the women ascertained a very particularly gendered concept of protecting both family life and women’s rights. The females replicated the regalia, militarism, hierarchy and political positions of the men’s group. However, they declined the suggestion that they were just accessories by demanding autonomy and focusing on distinct objectives for the Klansmomen. Using the Klan’s definition of white supremacy they were able to find a common ground with white Protestants born in their homeland. They perceived the laws of the KKK’s framework with a gendered perspective as a means of protecting their children and fellow women, preserving home and family life, and a way to demonstrate their novel social recognition. In 1923, mass advertising and rallying in the streets of Michigan attracted immense crowds as shown in figure 1.Figure 1. Klu Klux Klan rally in Marquette, MichiganThese advertisements and signs displayed codewords like “Americans’ rights”, “protect yourself” and “pure womanhood” in order to evoke racial and national superiority. Due to the attraction of the 1920s Klan to such a sizable population of women, historians have encountered more general questions concerning how and why women participate in political protest movements. An interesting facet concerning the appeal to the Michigan women was the fact that Michigan’s racial distribution, according to the 1920’s census, was 96.9 percent white and only three percent black. This meant that the women were primarily campaigning against Catholics. Another aspect of the issue was how paradoxical the women’s efforts were; they were backing an ideology that once subjugated themselves by wanting religious and racial superiority. The irony is that women were very much aware of the struggle that came with oppression, but the white women still succumbed to the beliefs of the men and thus white supremacy. Extending off of this fact, it’s quite interesting to know that (generally) blacks, Jews, Catholics, socialists, labor radicals, Mormons, and immigrants were the populations that believed in gender equality and, to a greater extent, universal suffrage. This type of ideology rejects standard agenda for progressive and pro-equality movements and is to a larger extend part of anti-feminist, conservative, ‘pro-family’ movements. Through the studying of the Klanswomen throughout the 1920s, it becomes apparent that Studying the Klanswomen of the 1920s is intended to contribute to an understanding of the various, often contradictory ideologies that often underpin women’s commitment to the political movement, especially political law.WKKK was open to any “white female Gentile” who was eighteen or more years old and “born in the homeland of a citizen of the United States of America who was not loyal to any foreign government, institution or sect” he was recruited using the same patriotic “100 % American “propaganda as her male counterpart. WKKK first appeared in Michigan in early September 1923, just a few months after its national establishment. Based on its initial position in the metropolis of Detroit, the organization will eventually spread its influence over the entire length and breadth of Michigan, both in cities and in small towns. In the cities of Fremont and New Age, where the male clan was recently formed, the female clan grew rapidly, carrying out the bulk of its recruitment activities between March and September 1924. During this period, New Age on average averaged 12 recruits per month, reaching 410 women. A key understanding of the lives of these women showed that 85 percent were married, and 79 percent indicated their profession as a “housewife” or “housewife” (Fox, 2011). This gives no real surprise and speaks much more about the limited professional opportunities for women, as well as the stubbornly persistent nature of patriarchal social structures in rural American homes in the 1920s than about the Clan itself. In this sense, the overwhelming majority of the clansmen were completely ordinary and unremarkable from the standpoint of the professional position in the economy of a small city with a predominance of men. However, there were at least 83 Newaygo Klanswomen who regularly worked outside their own homes.Women entered the Clan in different ways for different reasons. Initially, the women’s clan built and then absorbed many of the female patriotic societies and Protestant women’s clubs that began after the First World War. Other women joined the clan as the sister, daughter and wife of the Clan, to help the Clan’s cause and encourage family unity. WKKK also recruited women directly into the women’s crusade for white Protestant America. WKKK hired lecturers, organizers and recruiters to create new local chapters, usually in states where recruiters for the KKK were successful. The dedication of WKKK to a complex hierarchy and ritual proved to be attractive for women, as it was for men in the KKK. The imperial commander directed the ICRC at the national level, and underneath it was a complex series of state, regional and local officers with the titles of Clalif (vice-president), Klokard (lecturer), Cligger (secretary), Klabi (treasurer) and Klarogo / Klexter / external protection). They also had a lot of social, cultural and economic units, including training groups, groups, choirs, the agency social their beliefs and support their cause, despite their awareness of oppression. The clansmen also took a prominent place in the creation of the political culture of “Clannishness” – the use of family, leisure, social connections and ritual, to consolidate the Clan’s movement inside the country and mark the boundaries between Klansfolk and outsiders. Although the political culture formed by Klanswomen was often considered politically insignificant, it was crucial for the clan. At the national and state level, the central aspect of the work of the clan-son was organization, anti-Israeli activity and anti-Catholic propaganda and actions. WKKK organized rallies, festivals and entertainment events throughout the country. In Michigan, Daisy Barr was the leader of the WKKK and was a fiery advocate for women’s rights and public participation. She opened a hotel for “lost” women and even lobbied for the reform of the police department of her hometown so that he could better greet female policemen. She and her Klanswomen organized recreational activities aimed at strengthening internal solidarity and increasing recruitment, including orchestras, quartets and parades. A typical event in Michigan attracted about 3,000 people who spoke in the center of the city.Another feature of the clan-son is their attempt to “reform” the schools. They often visited public schools to distribute the Bible or copies of the Ten Commandments and even pursued the resignations of Catholic teachers and maintained racial segregation. They fled for seats in the school board, trying to “Americanize” the schools, implementing the programs of the Clan and moving towards Protestant morality. This proves that their fear of religious, racial, cultural and social differences was as noticeable as that of men. In particular, women who were very keen on school reform were housewives, and they had little to do, except to worry about how to protect the image of their children.