Populism wing populism in Europe. This includes works

Populism was mostly
recognized as a problem because, it was most often practiced by authoritarian
leaders with varying degrees of repressiveness (Cardoso and Faletto, 2004),
(Germani, 1978), (Ianni, 1975). By the 1990s, Like De Castro’s study on
Philippines, which views ‘Populist’ in opposition to ‘developmental’ (De
Castro, 2007 p.1), many studies in the 90’s, viewed populism as an inefficient
way of economic and political governance. Here Populism is defined as a
phenomenon that inhibits developmental models and larger Western liberal ideals
– especially in the third world context. The focus by this time also seems to
have shifted on right wing populism in Europe. This includes works by Betz
(1994) and Kitschelt and McGann (1995) at the wake of right-wing populists’
rise in places like Austria, France, Belgium, and Scandinavia. Thus many
earlier studies on populism conflate authoritarianism with populism and label
several governments that do not adhere to Western liberal democracy and western
developmental systems as simply ‘populist’. Therefore there is a need for a
pragmatic understanding and reject such normative notions. There are also
populist articulations and governments that cannot be categorized either
‘right’ or ‘left’. Therefore, it is observed that analysis of populist parties
needs to move beyond the disproportionate focus on ‘right wing’ populisms and
populist governments alone.


Most studies engage with the causes of populism rather than its
consequences. Of studies that do engage with consequences, the majority focuses
on the country level. They look, for example, at how populists in power affect
the quality of democracy, notably on respect for rule of law, balance of
powers, free media, and free and fair elections (Houle and Kenny, 2016), (Huber
and Schimpf, 2015), (Levitsky and Loxton, 2013), (Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser,
2012), their impacts on party systems and polarization (Castanho Silva, 2017)
socio-economic policies (Roth et al., 2017), and whether they in influence
other parties’ programs (Rooduijn et al., 2014). But a broader comparative
perspective is missing in most of these works

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