Black Throughout America’s history there have been many struggles with equality amongst the many racial identities that live in this “melting pot.” Acceptance of the many races is a continuous goal in the war on racism in America. Once accepted, many racial identities go under huge scrutiny by the media, society, and their other racial counterparts, etc. Black Sexual Politics by Patricia Hill Collins is a critical analysis of blacks in America and blacks as a race. The book analyzes this race on various levels, and these levels include, but are not limited to the following: the concept of “new” racism, gender ideology within the race, and the potential for progression of the racial politics. Collins makes many points and observations about the effect that blacks’ interactions have on each other and their view in society. An analytical look will be taken on each major subject that Collins talks about in Black Sexual Politics. Collins’ take on situations will be analyzed on a deeper level, and then connected to the SOC 235 course. Collins focuses on some of the past issues ad ties them to present issues. The social inequality being focused on in this book is that of the image of black people as a whole. Collins also talks a lot about the fact that there seems to be a rise in what she refers to as “new racism.” In addition, she believes that as a race, black people should challenge their views of society amongst the majority white population. The Old and the NewCollins spends a large amount of the book talking about what she refers to as “new racism.” By her definition this is new, or different, from traditional racism in a number of ways. Collins (2004) explains her three views of how racism is now new when she states: First, new patterns of corporate organizations have made for an increasingly global economy. One outcome is that, on a global scale, wealth and poverty continue to be racialized, with people of African descent disproportionately poor. Second, local, regional, and national governmental bodies no longer yield the degree of power that they once did in shaping racial policies. The new racism is transnational.… Third, the new racism relies more heavily on themanipulation of ideas within mass media. These new techniques present hegemonic ideologies that claim that racism is over. (pg. 54)Collins moves beyond historical intersectional analysis by developing an argument that the “new racism” has emerged. Collins argues that the “new racism” has emerged to lock previous cultural narratives in place. She argues that there are still many ways that blacks are held back as a whole. Meizhu Lui confirms Collins’ suspicions of such. Lui says, “The Depressions wiped out black progress, which did not resume at all until the New Deal Period. Even then, African Americans were often barred from the new assest-building programs that benefitted whites.” (p. 105). Lui mentions that, in the United States, things such as poor housing, healthcare and illiteracy and unemployment are modern bonds of slavery since they are holding blacks back. Collins says that these are all just transformed versions of slavery from the traditional time period. Collins mentions that the cause of this transformation is globalization, transnationalism and proliferation. According to Collins, this “new racism” isn’t noticed by blacks today because society and the media camouflage it as being normal. She believes that blacks have been led to believe that racism is gone, when, if fact, racism has just changed from what it used to be. Misused PowerCollins argues that as a race, black people should challenge their views of society amongst the majority white population. From Collins’ perspective, black people as a whole don’t do much to help themselves on the issues. Society has painted such a negative view of them as a racial identity. Collins concludes that blacks could be using their power for more good than what they are. That is not to say that they are using their power and influence for bad. The things that are being promoted by well-known black figures in the media are not the best things. Instead of spending the majority of their time promoting things such as HIV/AIDS awareness, their time is spent doing other less productive things. Many influential black people choose to flaunt things that seem to further prove the stereotypes that society has for blacks. Rapping about all the cars, money and “hoes” one has is not the best answer to this problem. According to Collins neitheris boasting about the easy access that one has to such things including females. In addition, Collins focuses on the contradictions within the black community. She uses the example of black women always wanting to claim their independence and how sophisticated they are, but yet having lyrics about how “bootylicious” they are. It’s counterproductive. Omi and Winant note that racial etiquette is a set of interpretive codes and racial meanings which operate in the interactions of daily life. (Omi & Winant, 2011, pp. 23-24). The example also is a perfect example of what Omi and Winant refer to as “presentation of self,”which is determined by the rules shaped by our perception of race in a racial society. In other words, there is a contradictory presentation of self through the claims of “bootylicious”-ness and independence, and sophistication. Sex SymbolsAs earlier mentioned Collins argues that poverty, lacks of housing and healthcare have a lot to do with the issues within the black community and how society views them. In Black Sexual Politics, Collins shows that the black community seems to be portrayed as the “embodiment of deviant sexuality” (p. 35). She mentions examples such as the treatment of Sarah Baartman, the Tuskegee syphilis experiment and gynecological studies on slaves. Collins uses these examples to prove how Western science constructed racial differences by looking for physiological differences in black people’s bodies, thus showing some reason for sexual deviance. Playing the Part Collins brings up the issue of HIV/AIDS in the black community. Unemployment and high poverty rates add to the number of poor and working-class African American males and females. This has a direct effect on the access that those individuals have to healthcare, adequate housing and education; these are all factors that could keep them healthy. In addition, the prison system of social control is an example of “new racism.” Large numbers of black men are being incarcerated and as discipline, the system is condoning institutionalized rape. This is a direct contributor to the rise in the number of HIV/AIDS cases among black men. This fact is not only raising the rate of cases of HIV/AIDS among black men, but suppressingprotests to the form of punishment. Collins makes the observation that “many African Americans fail to question dominant black gender ideology and thus help replicate America’s sexually repressive culture that takes special form within African American communities.” (p 281) This means that by not questioning the men, the dominant ones, about the things that really matter (i.e. sexual history and habits) that the cycle of destruction and negativity continues. This cycle has a special form amongst African Americans. Collins used the example of black men and black women to show the exponential growth in the number of cases. The notion that society has laid out the roles of gender among men and women is directly linked. The definition of what is masculine and feminine is also tied to class discussions and Collins’ book. In the example Collins describes the sexual thought process of both black men and black women. She says that black men seem to confuse masculinity with dominance. When this confusion is taken into his romantic relationship is when the danger occurs, because he then is putting his sexual partners at risk. Collins makes this plain to the reader with her example of the man having “booty calls” and not wanting to use condoms. This risky behavior is what caries the spread of HIV. On the other hand, Collins says that they confuse submission with weakness. The women are afraid to speak up against the man’s decision for fear of losing him or being unable to please her man in a sexual way. Arguments such as this one have been looked at closely in class. Referring back to the study of male dominance that was done in class, their role is not one that is typically challenged. Perhaps if more women were willing to challenge this male dominance or even if men would correctly grasp the concept then things might begin to change. Living in an already male dominant society, men would need to be the leaders for true change to occur. It is not foreseen that a woman could lead such a movement towards change. This is not to say that a woman is not capable of leading a change, but in order for the success rate to be as great as society needs, a man needs to lead his kind in this movement. Collins adds somewhat of a call to action towards the end of the book. She believes that black people are the only ones that can turn things around for themselves. ConclusionCollins makes many good points throughout the book Black Sexual Politics. The spectrum of things that she covers is pretty broad, although she relates everything back to race. Collin’ work seems to be a giant call to action with information to support why she feels that way. She calls for revitalized black identity politics that recognize the significance of gender and sexuality and political communities that work for Black empowerment.