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1. Introduction & Background Information”How appropriate would it be for a young woman and manto stay in a private house together?Female sexuality and gender equality has always been an issue in Turkey’s politics. Again and again, we read about use of force against women in Turkey. While many  women are insulted, threatened, attacked or even killed, most of the perpetrators remain severely or even unpunished. It is not unusual, that the Turkish law provides reduction with regard to sexual violence, because they argue, that some female attitudes, like for example wearing a miniskirt can “provoke” the offender. Thus, if those who have to preserve the rights of women do not believe in gender equality, it is traceable, that laws concerning gender issues are becoming pointless and exploited. Since the AKP, in English Justice and Development Party, came to power in 2002 the situation has deteriorated further – Turkey becomes more and more authoritarian. The AKP actively uses women’s body to implement social and economic policies. Although, many women have been reacting to the AKP’s political views, the ruling government made many new regulations over women’s body. Nevertheless, we can also see that women who are fighting against it. They defy the state repression and try to overcome the deep polarisation of the Turkish society. Despite the heightened demonstration right, they go on the roads – with success. In Juli 2017 for example, a law that would have legalized child marriages and made sure that sexual assaults remain without punishment has been withdrawn thank to the protests and revolts of women. Shortly after, Turkish women have demonstrated with the campaign “#KiyafetimeKarisma” in English: don’t meddle with my clothes, against everyday attacks against women due to their choice of clothes. Whether a miniskirt or a headscarf women do not want to be used politically.Another example was the mixed-gender student house regulation in 2013 and again in 2017. Recep Tayyip Erdogan made clear statement, that the government wants to prevent state accommodation and private housing from being mixed-sex for university students, because it is against the Turkish “norms and values”.We do not allow mixed-gender student houses in state-owned dormitories. We do not care what newspapers write on it. There can be no educational or psychological justification for mixed-gender accommodation services in the whole world. We have intervened in this issue, and we will continue to exert efforts to separate female and male students in our dormitories.” In July 2017, the AKP government made a new regulation and had also forbidden the employment of male personnel in a female dormitory and vice versa. In the same regulation, it was stated, that even two same-sex students will not be able to stay in the same room in private dormitories.One can see, that in contemporary Turkey women’s sexuality has become an object of “biopolitics”. Michel Foucault (1976) stated, that women sexuality has become one of the most important instruments of biopolitics in the 19th and 20th century in politics. The current government creates norms and values, through which they want to show  how women have to “be” and “act” like. In other words: The rights and decisions over women’s bodies depend on what the government sees appropriate (Repo 2016: 2). 1.1 Research Objectives The following research aims to analyze the political regulations which were exerted since the AKP came to power with regard to Michel Foucault’s definition of biopolitics and biopower.  The first step will be thus to define the key concepts “biopolitics” and “biopower” and then put them in a second step into the context. Taking mixed-gender house regulations as a case study the next step will be a discourse analysis of the speeches, statements and other texts of the AKP referring to the mixed-gender house regulation, in order to see how and in which ways the AKP exerts influence on women’s bodys. In doing so,  the concept of biopolitics and biopower by Foucault (1976;1980) will serve as a theoretical background. In order to substantiate the arguments, in-depth interviews will be conducted with people from the KADEM foundation, which is closely connected to the AKP but at the same time it is a women’s organization with a feminist approach.  1.2 Research QuestionConsidering the given and described context the guiding questions  for the proposed research are as follows:Main Research Questions? How does the AKP control female sexuality in contemporary Turkey with regard to mixed-gender house regulations? Guiding Questions? How women have become the object of the government in the AKP?? Is AKP a “biopower”? How does the neoliberal AKP government control and regulates women’s bodies? ? Which strategies were used? What are the legal basis?? Is AKP shaping these discourses, if yes, in which ways? Has the perception of women in Turkey changed?? How does KADEM react begin closely connected to the AKP but at the same time feminist? What is their opinion about the mixed-gender house regulation? 1.3 Relevance and Significance It is obvious, that some identities are crucial for contexts and hence for discourse. The same is true for the AKP in debates and discourses about female sexuality in Turkey. Erdogan and his inner circle play an essential role in shaping these discourses and therefore it is important to examine these identities, especially the role of their speeches. By analyzing the speeches, texts and other articles of the AKP it is important to understand each word in relation to this context and the research question. 2. Biopolitics of Gender: AKP’s Discourse on Female Sexuality As Foucault once state, women’s body has turned into a major instrument in biopolitics in the 20th century (Foucault 1977: 137–138). In fact, women’s bodies and sexuality have been always a discourse in social, political and cultural realms in modern Turkey (Cindoglu 2016: 1). Since the AKP came to power in 2002, discourses on sexuality has proliferated in an unprecedented way in the political realm in Turkey (Acar and Altunok, 2013; Cindo?lu and Unal, 2015; Co?ar and Ye?eno?lu, 2011). Several similar works with regard to the proposed research question were written, which tried to answer the question how the AKP controls female sexuality in contemporary Turkey. One of them was Akbulut’s (2015) work “Veiling as Self-Disciplining: Muslim Women, Islamic Discourses, and the Headscarf Ban in Turkey”. Akbulut’s (2015) research is based on in-depth interviews with female muslim students in Turkish state universities, in which she tries to find out how the headscarf ban impacted students beliefs, attitudes, norms and values. By doing that she argues that the headscarf ban was a execution of state power and demonstrates how the government exercises power over women’s body, makes decisions, turns them into law without even asking them for their opinion (Akbulut 2015: 434). Similar to Akbulut, Kasap (2013) examines the biopolitics of the AKP with regard to the “Reproductive Health Bill” which seeks to prohibit the abortion in Turkey. By analyzing the neoconservative and neoliberal policies and moreover by carrying out a discourse analysis of AKP speeches, she tries to demonstrate how the AKP exerts biopower over female sexuality in Turkey. But in contrast du Akbulut, Kasap argued that the AKP biopolitics not only impacted women’s life but also created a new, conservative discourse about women in Turkey, which explains that issues like the headscarf in Turkey are not seen as gender question rather than political. Furthermore, Ongur (2015) published a book called “The AK Party and Biopolitics: How a Transformation in Governmentality Affects Population Politics in Turkey”, in which he examined textual evidence which according to Ongur shows, that biopower makes itself visible through population politics with focusing on birth rates, abortion, universal healthcare, illnesses and tobacco and alcohol consumption. Similar to Kasap, Unal and Cindoglu (2013) conducted a qualitative research on the topic of abortion debates by Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the AKP in 2012. They aimed to show that political debates are formed, when women’s bodies and female sexuality are used. Given the topicality of the issue of mixed-gender house regulation we can see that political actors are using women’s morality and sexualities as an arena for consolidation of conservative values (Cindoglu 2016: 8). The example shows how authoritarian and conservative political discourses in Turkey seve the consolidation of patriarchal gender regime in Turkey. Living in mixed-gender houses does not correspond to the country’s conservative-democratic character according to the AKP. Erdogan stated, that the state must intervene. Furthermore, he does not only want to enforce gender segregation in dormitories, but wants also prohibit female and male students living together in flat shared communities (ibid.:13). To sum up, all these researches showed that the AKP government can be seen as a “biopower”, which controls female sexuality. The following chapter gives a brief introduction into biopolitics and biopower, which is needed for the further understanding. 3. Theoretical FrameworkIn public debates, the terms biopower and biopolitics are often used as a vague collective term for bioethical, ecological, demographic or family policy debates (Lemke 2011:1). In Social Sciences and particular in Gender Studies, these terms mostly refer to to work of Michel Foucault (1926-1984). What is Biopolitics? What is Biopower? The following section tries to answer these questions. Since the term was mainly influenced by Foucault, the presented work is mainly based on his theories. At this point it should be noted that due to the complex writing of Michel Foucault and the manifold references to Philosophy in the original texts,  predominantly secondary literature by Thomas Lemke has been used. Furthermore, due to the scope of the work, the terms are only shortly defined and will be discussed and defined in detail for the thesis. 3.1 Biopolitics and BiopowerThe terms biopolitics and biopower are used in conjunction with many thematic topics and have found various definitions. Let us begin with a brief definition by Michel Foucault of biopolitics and hereinafter biopower, before situating these concepts within the broader context of the work. The simple definition of biopolitics is a policy that deals with life (Lemke 2011: 7).”When life itself becomes an object of politics, this has consequences for the foundations, tools, and goals of political action. No one saw more clearly this shift in the nature of politics than Michel Foucault.” (Lemke 2011: 32).Foucault defined the term biopolitics as a modern way of exercising power in liberal societies. By analyzing historical processes in which life was used as political strategies, Foucault remarked, that biopolitics is not only an extension of the political realm, it changed its core. Foucault defines biopolitics as follows: “a new technology of power…that exists at a different level, on a different scale, and that has a different bearing area, and makes use of very different instruments” (Foucault 1997: 242). In other words; biopolitics is a political rationality and takes the control over life and populations as its subjects “to ensure, sustain, and multiply life, to put this life in order” (Foucault 1998: 138). Furthermore, Foucault represents biopolitics as a special instrument of power. He explains that people are constantly pressuring themselves in trying to plan, improve and thus maintain their own lives. This has a reverse effect on the population and the government, which ultimately divides biopolitics into two views. On the one hand, the state decides on certain processes, and on the other, each individual actor uses biopolitics when he feels the urge to govern or regulate himself (Maasen 2008: 101). Biopower thus, is the power “that exerts a positive influence on life, that endeavours to administer, optimize, and multiply it, subjecting it to precise controls and comprehensive regulations” (Foucault 1998: 137). To sum up, biopower according to Foucault represents a concept, which tries to analyze how and to which extend a certain kind of force can govern bodies and population, while biopolitics summarizes the strategies, techniques, knowledges used to regulate life (Foucault 1981: 139-140). 4. Methodology Methodologically the study will rely mainly on a critical discourse analysis. In order to underpin the results of the critical discourse analysis, additionally interviews will be carried out. In the following sub-chapters, the the methodological background will be presented. 4.1 Critical Discourse AnalysisBefore going into the definition of critical discourse analysis, a brief overview about discourse analysis in general will be given. The method of discourse analysis has many forms. In general, discourse analysis includes the assay of particular conversation in spoken discourses, texts and documents (Scollon 2008: 7).  Furthermore, the use of the term “discourse” varies in different academic cultures (Weiss and Wodak 2003: 13). The following research will be based on a  more Foucauldian approach. The Critical Discourse Analysis, in short CDA, focuses on the process of theory formation and articulates the interdisciplinary nature (Fairclough and Wodak 1997; van Dijk). Although the roots of CDA lies in classical Rhetoric, Text-linguistic and Sociolinguistic, using CDA as an appropriate research method has become very prominent in Gender Studies (Weiss and Wodak 2003:13).  This method was chosen inter alia  as the most proper research tool because:”Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context. With such dissident research, CDA take explicit position, and thus want to understand, expose, and ultimately resist social inequality” (van Dijk 2001: 352). In other words; CDA wants to shot the relationship between language and power (Weiss and Wodak 2003: 12). The speeches, statements articles and other texts will be analyzed through the critical discourse analysis with a main focus on (van Dijk 2009: 31): Understanding (structures and categories of) social situationSocial variation of speech (style, register, etc.)Group membership and social identity of discourse participantsSocial cognition and social representation shared by participantsStrategies of social interactionRelation between social groups (power etc.)That means, that CDA considers that discourses ar an important form of social practice which creates a part of the social world, including social identities and relations. It is a critical discourse because as in the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, it assumes that research should produce knowledge that will help in the emancipation of people from various modes of domination (Wodak & Meyer 2009, p. 7). Thus, critical means not something negative, it just implies the need to challenge common knowledge that is taken for granted, like the role of language in power relations, racism inequality etc. The reason for the choice of of CDA in this study is therefore  the specific emphasis of this approach on “identity construction whereby the discursive construction of ‘in’ and ‘out’ groups is viewed as the basic pillar of discourses of identity and difference” (Wodak 2001: . 73). 4.1.1 MaterialThe corpus of media texts is based on purposive sampling, which means that the sample consist of articles, statements, speeches published in national and international newspapers in 2013 and 2017 on mixed-gender house regulations. Moreover, speeches of AKP debuties and reforms made since 2002 will be also analyzed in order to see how the AKP in general shapes the discourse about female sexuality in Turkey. 4.2 In-Depth InterviewsTogether with data gained from the critical discourse analysis, other written texts will be collected through in-depth interviews.The data collection will consists on ten in-depth interviews carried out with women, who work or are active for KADEM. The in-depth interviews will offer the best opportunity to capture rich and descriptive data about the participants behaviours, attitudes and perceptions, because even if it is based on a questionnaire with a loosely sequence of questions, asked in the same order and the same way of all subjects of the research, there is flexibility available for the researcher. The major objective will be therefore to obtain comparable information from a potentially large number of subjects. 4.2.1 Selection of the IntervieweeThe selection of the interviewees will follow the principle of “purposive sampling”. The purposive sampling is a sampling technique in which the researcher relies on his or her own judgment. Therefore, I will interviewee women working or being active for the KADEM foundation, relying on my own judgment. The reason, why I have chosen KADEM as a case study is inter alia because KADEM shows itself as a socio-cultural “homeland” for young girls. The KADEM foundation aims to educate young women and develops projects and activities to encourage their academic activities. Furthermore, they see their mission in take care of the needs of young women and gave them the opportunity to stay in KADEM dormitories. Besides, it is important to mention that KADEM is strongly connected to the AKP, in which Sümeyye Erdogan, Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s daughter, is the president. The aim therefore is to gain more information about the situation in the dormitories with regard do the mixed-gender issue, through the interviews. The tentative interviews questionnaire is attached. 4.2.2 Data Analysis A qualitative data analysis will be applied in this study in order to be able to see the perception, belief and the handling of with these questions. Qualitative data analysis involves such processes classifying and categorizing and making sense of essential meanings of the phenomena  5. Expected Findings & Conclusion

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